Since 2020, Haiti has not had a functioning parliament or elected officials, and leader after failed leader, no lasting solution has been found. The most populous country in the Caribbean (11.4 million), Haiti has been disintegrating to anarchy, a failed state where criminal gangs reign.
The last holder of the prime minister office was ousted while in Kenya on a mission to secure assistance to fight raging gangs in Port-Au-Prince. With over 7,000 deaths reported in the last 18 months, the international community has intervened by sending security forces to bolster Haitian police efforts to restore order before elections slated for next month (November). The complicated nature of Haitian politics and history makes finding an enduring solution an arduous task.
Is the time finally right to “fix” Haiti?
From afar, Haiti is a beautiful land defined by mountains that slope into the sea, volcanic soils rich for agriculture, and clear mountain springs that sputter to quench farmlands. A land where sugarcane farming and coffee exports drove the economy for decades. On paper and online, however, Haiti is spoken of through the language of crisis. Political turmoil, natural disasters, and unimaginable crime and poverty. But how did a country that once shone as the first country to officially abolish slavery end up becoming a nation of citizens seeking refuge in other countries? Is there hope for Haiti to rise again? What can be done to make things better?
Haiti’s story starts over two centuries ago, when it became the first country to gain independence through a slave revolution. Freedom did not come easy; the locals had to fight for a good 13 years and defeat successive armies of colonizers who wanted to own them, from Napoleon’s French army, to the British and Spanish armies. That conquest inspired many across the globe, especially those who were resisting slavery and colonialism. It was also a threat to colonial powers who feared more retaliations. In 1804, a declaration of being the first “black republic” is where Haiti’s woeful path took a turn for the worse.
The first two years of the new nation started with an international challenge. Major powers in the global north refused to recognize Haiti’s independence. The isolated nation’s first president Jean-Jacques Dessalines, a son of a slave, tried to remove the shackles of its past. He brought in a new constitution and had a land-distribution policy that ensured all land in the republic is government owned and redistributed equally.
Dessalines set out a vision for a united country for all Haitians. But his policies did not sit well with everyone. Two years into independence, he was assassinated and the country split into two. The North was under Henri Christophe, who had ambitious development projects, and was big on education, building schools, and even importing teachers. He also created a formal court system. The South was under Alexandre Pétion, who continued Dessalines’ dream of distributing land to former slaves and soldiers.
But both leaders had a big challenge; because Haiti was still isolated by global powers, it meant both sides did not have external trade relationships. Therefore, they could not sell their high-quality coffee or sugarcane, or get foreign investment or credit. Being a divided country also severely affected Haiti’s development potential. Resources were diverted to maintaining separate militaries and governments rather than focusing on economic development. Despite this, Haiti was off to a relatively peaceful period in its first 16 years.
In the years that followed, there was a shift in Haiti’s economy. Jean-Pierre Boyer came to power and unified the country. His policies moved the economy from primarily sugarcane to coffee exports. But because of earlier regime policies, land had been subdivided to a point it was not viable to produce commodities for export.
Another blow was on the horizon. In 1825, France, Haiti’s former colonial master arrived on its shores with a fleet of warships with a message that the 21-year-old country needed to pay France 150 million francs – the equivalent of roughly $560 million USD – to secure its independence, or risk invasion. Although this amount was way beyond Haiti’s economic means, President Boyer’s government caved to the demands and agreed to pay in order to remain independent. From the UN report cited above: “Had that money been retained in Haiti and invested domestically, it could have added more than $20 billion to the country’s economy over time, according to some economists.”
The following years were hard for President Boyer’s government and successive regimes. The economy stagnated amid efforts to prevent total collapse.
1825 was not the only time Haiti was set back by foreign powers. In December 1914, some 89 years into Haiti paying its debt to France, eight U.S marines walked into Haiti’s national bank and removed approximately $500,000 ($15 million in today’s money) in gold reserves. The gold was transported to New York City, where it was placed in the vaults of Hallgarten & Co., an affiliate of National City Bank. The gold was purportedly taken for safekeeping. In the following year’s Haitian National Bank became wholly owned by the American National City Bank with the Haitian government charged by the American bank for every transaction, and the profits made on the money split between the French reparations and the American bank. All of this while Haiti struggled with political instability. Several leaders in the Caribbean nation had been assassinated or removed through a coup.
The following year (1915), U.S. president Woodrow Wilson used the assassination of Haitian President Jean Vilbrun Guillaume Sam as justification to send in the U.S. marines at a larger scale. The U.S. had strategic and economic interests in Haiti, from seeing Haiti as a potential naval base, to fearing instability might result in foreign rule. So, 3,000 marines landed in Haiti, seized customs houses, imposed martial law, instituted press censorship, and outlawed dissent.
The U.S. imposed a treaty that effectively made Haiti a U.S. protectorate. For 19 years, the Haitian government relied on U.S. approval for most projects. The Haitian government’s limited income made the treaty expensive and hiring of public workers difficult. Rural areas were robbed of money needed for development, infrastructure, and education. Haiti went more deeply into debt. Exports came to a halt in the years that followed.
On the political front, the U.S. installed compliant presidents who destroyed any sense of Haitian sovereignty. Societal division emerged. Some members of Haiti’s elite collaborated with U.S. forces for personal gain, while others resisted. The inequality within the ruling class established patterns of dependency on foreign powers. This pattern has plagued the country to date.
Haiti’s troubled history with international interventions endures. There were several international interventions in Haiti between 1993 and 2017. In early 2004, American, French, and Canadian troops assisted in overthrowing the country’s elected government – a government that had been elected by over 90% of the vote.
Later that year, a Core Group was established by UN Security Council following a resolution to deploy a security mission to the island nation. The Core Group would be chaired by the UN special representative to Haiti, and would include representatives from Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, the European Union, the U.S., and the Organization of American States.
This deployment, the largest to Haiti to date, would last from 2004-2017. Dubbed United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), it consisted of 2,366 military personnel and 2,533 police officers. It was led by the Brazil Army and commanded by a Brazilian. The Brazilian mission provided important lessons for future interventions. While Brazilian boots arrived, the Core Group actively involved itself in Haiti’s political processes.
The Brazilian peacekeeping force was tasked with stabilizing the country enough to get Haiti to elections. But they lost public support. Despite bringing temporary stability to Haiti, the mission did not have long-term success, and the mission ended in 2017.
But where Brazil failed, Kenya hopes to succeed. Kenya has a long record of being involved in peacekeeping missions globally. Government records show Kenya has deployed its troops for security missions in almost 30 countries and territories globally since 1979. Currently, Kenya has its forces in four countries; Somalia, South Sudan, the DRC, and Haiti. But how did Kenya, which does not have a diplomatic Haitian office in Nairobi, end up deploying its police force to the Caribbean nation?
Kenya sees this mission as more than a UN assignment. It is a bold claim to global moral leadership in a fractured world.
In October 2022, then-Haitian prime minister Ariel Henry, called on the international community to assist his country in the wave of gang violence that starved the country of essentials including fuel and water. There was a growing disquiet about Henry, who in 2021 was appointed PM by President Jovenel Moise. Henry, an experienced politician in Haiti’s previous governments and seen as a stabilizing figure – thanks to his reputation for dialogue and democracy – failed to keep his promise to get the country back on a democratic path by organizing the country’s first election since 2016. After 32 months in power, Henry pushed the pledge to 2025. With the quality of life falling in Haiti, protests broke out, and Henry called for assistance. Kenya raised its hand to offer assistance.
The biggest question – why?
Kenya and Haiti had not had any diplomatic relations before this mission. So, what could have motivated Kenya? The inspiration could have stemmed from different places:
- Kenya’s position as a non-permanent member of the UN Security council in 2021-2022 could have played a role. Kenya’s mediating role in regional conflict might have boosted its confidence to help Haiti, a country seen as formed by descendants from Africa. It positioned Kenya as a peace-builder beyond Africa.
- Credibility – by offering to play a leading role, Kenya got UN backing, which gave the east African country a legitimate platform to lead a multinational force. This is important because it bolsters Kenya’s bid for greater influence in global governance, including aspirations for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, for which the African continent has been lobbying.
- Strengthening its position with countries in the global north. After Kenya agreed to send its troops to Haiti, it received first-of-its-kind recognition as a non-NATO ally of the United States of America, joining the likes of Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia on the continent. This means Kenya enjoys – among other things – access to advanced U.S. military equipment, training, and joint exercises. During the deployment, Kenya has received financial support from its biggest supporter for the mission.
- In August, Kenya’s government revealed that the United Nations has plans to relocate 3 UN Agencies to be headquartered in Nairobi from 2026. Kenya’s decision to lead the mission in Haiti showcased the country’s willingness to take on high-stakes international responsibilities. This elevated Nairobi’s profile within the UN system as a reliable and proactive partner.
But Kenya’s role in Haiti is not without challenges.
First came a legal challenge claiming that Kenya’s president deployed the police force against the law. That obstacle was overcome, but it came after serious backlash from Kenyans.
Second – logistical challenges. To date, only 800 Kenyan officers have been deployed to Haiti, despite a promise of 2,500 by President William Ruto. This understaffing of the security forces has made it difficult to repel the gangs. Although key infrastructure such as the national Telco was secured, gangs still control 85% of the country, according to the UN. Millions are still displaced and over 1,500 people were killed from April to June this year. In the first half of 2025, more than 3,000 people were killed. Kenya’s police team has lost two officers, and eight have been injured.
Third, the perennial meddling in Haiti’s sovereignty. Since April 2024, Haiti has been governed by a Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) that came to force after the ouster of Ariel Henry. With a mandate through February 2026, it was tasked with choosing new political leadership and setting up elections.
With elections set for November 15, time is fast ticking. Meanwhile, U.S. interference in Haiti’s political and sovereign structures continues. While the U.S. has committed millions in aid, most of that money is not going to Haiti’s public institutions. In the absence of active government or elected officials, funds sent to the country for health or education end up in private organizations. This continues to cripple efforts to get Haiti back on track through the strengthening of public institutions.
Because of its financial dominance, the U.S. has an outsized influence over Haiti’s security and political direction. Already Kenya’s leading role in the mission is being sidelined in favour of the Organization of American States (OAS). Regionally, U.S. diplomats have been active in the Caribbean community (CARICOM)-led negotiations, shaping Haiti’s political roadmap while working on a 10-year plan to prevent conflict and promote stability in Haiti.
With Kenya’s mandate in Haiti ending this month, many questions will be asked regarding the success of the mission and how it helped Haiti address the root cause of conflict. Answers will be sought on the benefits of international co-operation on the mission, especially in relation to the U.S. But the biggest question will likely be why Kenya did not deploy all 2,500 officers approved for the mission.
Haiti is still struggling to define its sovereignty 221 years after independence. Without careful examination of underlying political and economic challenges – and sustained action under strong leadership – this journey of misery is certain to endure.
If Haitians continue to be prevented from governing their own country, positive change seems unlikely. It continues to be a heart-wrenching illustration of how greed and foreign interference can take a nation from beacon of human emancipation to quagmire of corruption and lawlessness.
(George Mutero, BIG Media Ltd., 2025)
